Residents in Middlesbrough, which has witnessed several episodes of discriminatory violence, say the root causes of division remain unaddressed.
Middlesbrough, United Kingdom – In the middle of last year, Shazia Noor Ghani’s phone was a relentless barrage of anxiety, fear, and heartbreak.
A mother of three, she found herself at the centre of a desperate crisis, managing a hotline that was inundated with calls from terrified Muslim women in Middlesbrough, as the town descended into hate-fuelled riots.
The wave of chaos, which hit various towns and cities, was one of the largest demonstrations of racist violence in living memory to hit the UK.
At one point in the northern port town of Middlesbrough, a group of white men set up a makeshift checkpoint, halting traffic and interrogating drivers about their ethnicity, demanding to know if they were “white” or “English”.
“I didn’t get off the phone for three days,” Ghani recalled, her voice tinged with exhaustion as she relived those dark days.
“I was just getting nonstop calls from terrified Muslim women asking for advice. It was so traumatic. They didn’t know what to do. They didn’t know where to go. ‘Are we allowed out? Can we go get milk?’”
Some were victims of attacks.
“Oh my God. My windows have been smashed,” one caller cried, said Ghani.
She is the founder of Nur Fitness, a community organisation in Middlesbrough that offers a safe space for women of colour. The initiative is home to a women’s gym and a range of services, from mental health workshops to support for victims of domestic abuse.
As she sat in her office on a quiet wintry Friday afternoon, dressed in a long brown cardigan and matching scarf, Ghani reflected on the uncertainty and fear she felt at the time.
Behind her, the walls are lined with display boards advertising community events and support services.
“I am probably one of the most confident women you’ll ever come across,’ said Ghani. “Nothing phases me. But I was scared to walk out of my house.”
Muslim women disproportionately bear the brunt of Islamophobia, with those visibly identifiable as Muslim more likely to be targeted in anti-Muslim hate crimes.
“It really is different when you wear the hijab,” said Ghani. “You are treated totally differently.”
In October, the Guardian reported that there were 4,971 anti-Muslim attacks and incidents of abuse in the previous year, citing data from Tell MAMA, an Islamophobia monitor.
Shahla Khan, a 40-year-old of mixed Pakistani and Indian heritage who has lived in Middlesbrough all her life, said that while the riots were quelled within days as police clamped down on suspects, the kind of racism that was unleashed during the turmoil has not ended.
Weeks ago, Khan was racially abused while walking through the town.
“Racism has picked up really badly here,” she told Al Jazeera. “Even after the riots, business slowed down for takeaways and restaurants. People would come in and say, ‘Bloody hell, you p***s are still here.”
She blamed politicians and the media for failing to investigate the proliferation of discriminatory narratives.
The riots were organised by online agitators who falsely blamed a fictitious Muslim immigrant for the deadly stabbing of three young girls in Southport, a town about 150km (100 miles) south of Middlesbrough. But 18-year-old Axel Rudakubana, who killed Bebe King, aged six, Elsie Dot Stancombe, seven, and Alice da Silva Aguiar, nine and was recently sentenced to 52 years in jail, was neither a Muslim nor an immigrant.
Middlesbrough’s Muslim community has suffered the tragic consequences of racism before.
In August 1961, terrified Pakistani families were targeted and forced to flee their homes in the Cannon Street riots, which erupted after an 18-year-old, John Joseph Hunt, was killed. The suspect, reportedly named Hassan Said, was charged but later cleared of murder. In a bout of collective punishment that followed the killing, hooligans targeted ethnic minority communities. A brick was thrown through the Pakistani-owned Taj Mahal cafe.
Fifty years on, in 2011, Mohammed Zabir, a taxi driver and father of six, was assaulted in a racist attack the night before an anti-Muslim march by the far-right English Defence League. One month later, Zabir died of a heart attack. While doctors did not link his death to the attack, his loss traumatised the wider Muslim community across Teesside. Nine hundred mourners attended his funeral.
In the wake of Zabir’s death, his nephew Amjid Khazir felt compelled to address the strains of hatred that had led to the violence. He set up Media Cultured, an organisation that develops films and teaching toolkits for local schools, colleges and sport clubs to counter racist narratives. But as social media plays host to disinformation and division, Khazir knows he has his work cut out.
The government recently pledged 655,000 pounds ($813,000) for community projects in Middlesbrough in response to the riots.
Khazir, however, lamented what he sees as sticking plaster solutions.
“We don’t have an intrinsic view of the root cause of the division and the long-term impact of racist narratives,” he said.
Ghani agreed, adding that victims need more support.
“People don’t even know how to report racism. A lot of asylum seekers don’t even recognise it,” she said. “We try our best to support local women but we have limited resources.”
According to the local council, Middlesbrough is the most ethnically diverse local authority area in the Tees Valley. Ethnic minority Britons make up 17.6 percent of the population, as identified in the 2021 census – an increase of 51 percent since 2011, and projected to grow further.
Several residents interviewed by Al Jazeera said Muslims and migrants are often blamed for the decline of post-industrial towns such as Middlesbrough, which is often ranked one of England’s most deprived towns. Docks and steel industries that once offered stable employment and attracted migration from Ireland and other parts of the UK have largely collapsed.
“Prejudice tends to manifest most in economically deprived areas,” said Khazir.
In some parts of the town, poverty rates are especially high and there is a lack of social infrastructure – such as parks, youth clubs and safe spaces for social interaction.
When riots broke out last year, some young Muslims in Middlesbrough felt fear but also fury.
Many gathered to defend local mosques and businesses in the town centre.
“There was a lot of anger,” said Gohar Ihsan, chairman of the Middlesbrough Central Mosque. “Knowing the experience of their elders who faced racism, the youngsters were saying, ‘We’re not going to tolerate this.’”
He made an impassioned plea at the time. Worried that the situation could spiral, he urged young Muslims against violence.
“They’re doing all the bad things. We don’t want to be part of that. Let’s show the world what Muslims are really like,” he said.
Ihsan believes the key to tackling Islamophobia is dialogue.
“Our doors are always open,” he told Al Jazeera, as worshippers poured into the Central Mosque for Friday prayers.
“We’ve had people come in with a frown and leave with a smile. You have to talk to each other and dispel the myths.”
Ihsan also emphasised the importance of addressing material needs.
Since April 2022, the mosque has run a food bank to assist those struggling financially.
“Ninety-nine percent of the recipients are not Muslim,” said Ihsan. “We’re more than happy to support them because they are part of our community.”