National Post will be running three excerpts from a new book by Lt.-Gen. (retd.) Michel Maisonneuve. In part two, he discusses failures of the Canadian military. Read Part One: Martin Luther King Jr.’s dream sacrificed on the altar of DEI.
We are living in one of the most complex, dangerous, and unpredictable times in human history. We are witnessing increasing global instability and a broader range of threats, now state-on-state as well as from non-state actors. The world will not become less complex or more predictable. Only a few years ago, no one could have predicted the COVID-19 pandemic, a war in Europe, or the bloody attack by Hamas on Israel and its justified response. The only way for Canada to manage these new complexities, each seemingly more challenging than the preceding one, is to be better prepared to meet them. Unfortunately, our military is woefully unprepared, even though national security and the defence of democratic values are more important than ever.
The rapid development of information technology, cyber warfare, quantum computing, and artificial intelligence seems to be the enabling force of the new strategic environment, having propelled us from the industrial age beyond the information age. This explosion not only increases the efficiency of delivering force, but also increases the efficiency of those who seek to do grave harm. Drones and unmanned aerial and land weapons are proliferating, with commercial, inexpensive, off-the-shelf solutions being offered to military and unconventional forces. The international and domestic regulations required to harness and control these new developments lag behind, which leads to their unbridled use by individuals and states with the potential to do harm. Canada and other nations must therefore structure, organize, equip, train, educate, and fund their forces and capabilities to capitalize on the new innovations, while preparing to counter the threats they pose.
Canada’s top operational military commander, Vice-Admiral Bob Auchterlonie, stated in December 2023, “We are in the middle of this and I’m not sure everybody understands that the security and defence situation globally has deteriorated significantly.” The international security situation should be a source of worry even for us Canadians who have long believed we lived in a “fireproof house.” We do not view these threats as ones that can directly target Canada. That is a mistake.
The Conference of Defence Associations (CDA) Institute published an open letter in 2023 from 62 prominent Canadians decrying the dreadful state of our CAF and calling for immediate action by the government to rectify decades of neglect. I found it interesting that many of the issues raised in the letter were prominent in my Vimy Award acceptance speech from the year before. The letter specifically called out the government’s failure to give higher priority to Canada’s defence, to redress the woeful state of the CAF, and to meet its commitments to allies.
The first issue to redress is the attitude of the government, and of Canadians, to national defence. It must be seen as important, not just on Remembrance Day, but throughout the year. This attitude correction should be guided by a comprehensive strategy, led by the prime minister and all of government that highlights the essential nature of defence, the honour of service, and the benefits of security and sovereignty. During our busy operational peacekeeping and Afghanistan missions, the term “whole-of-government” was often used to describe a pan-government effort to support a particular mission. In the effort to redress the issues facing the CAF, such an effort is exactly what is required. In the face of the global security situation, some nations are re-instituting some sort of national service. As a start, a whole-of-government discussion on a Canadian version of such service would be appropriate.
Second, these deficiencies are a result of the meagre funding accorded the CAF. As previously mentioned, NATO political leaders, including Canada’s, agreed to spend two per cent of their country’s GDP on defence as a minimum but we have never achieved it. A bigger problem is the constant instability of what is spent on defence, meagre as it is. As one of the few discretionary budgets in the government program, it is easy to cut when trying to reduce overall spending. The announcement in 2023 that defence will be cut by nearly a billion dollars over the next three years is emblematic, and notwithstanding the minister of defence’s preposterous statement that “there are savings to be had,” more cuts will worsen readiness and capability.
It has been widely reported that the CAF are short of as many as 16,500 military personnel. The crisis in recruitment has many causes. The military, which is based entirely on rank and relies on obedience to orders to operate, has been revealed to have its share of predators. In response, the Department of National Defence has been working to root out individuals who have perpetrated misconduct of any kind, especially sexual misconduct, and prosecute them to the full extent of the law. In addition, the Canadian Forces are attempting to create a culture that maintains the discipline required to operate but ensures the safety and security of all its members. These actions are necessary and perhaps long overdue, but the fallout from the misconduct allegations and the portrayal of the forces as misogynistic and unwilling to change have certainly impacted recruiting.
The West’s recent obsession with gender and identity issues, the CAF’s relaxation of dress codes and focus on personal expression in an attempt to appeal to special-interest groups has not helped boost recruiting numbers. We seem to push to include those who do not necessarily want to join, thus alienating, and sometimes even frightening the demographic who have traditionally wanted to wear the uniform and serve. It is time to reinstate simple and inclusive meritocracy into the recruiting process and to integrate cultural changes into regular business processes. Personnel costs account for about half the total military expenditures; they need to be stabilized and restricted positions filled.
The apathy of our successive governments towards the CAF also does not help recruiting. Our decades-old equipment, lack of participation in operations around the world, and constant need to make do with meagre resources will never draw in talented recruits. Existentially, the notion of post-nationalism has removed Canadian heroes from our landscape, impairing the belief that service to our country is an honourable and appealing career. The militaries of other nations are facing similar difficulties in recruiting. The US, as usual, appeals to patriotism, but the strategy has had little impact on those from Generation Z they are trying to recruit. That is an ominous truth: if the current generation does not serve in our military, who will?
In Canada, our recruiting efforts aimed at under-represented groups have not been as successful as some would like. We could ask, “who will fight for Canada?” Here again, inclusive meritocracy should be the norm; we should encourage all who want to serve, including the groups we are targeting, focus on getting the best candidates, and not penalize those who are NOT from under-represented groups. Perhaps our effort to remove CAF bases from urban centres has also hurt our ability to recruit from under-represented groups. In essence, you have to fish where the fish are.
At this point, we must ensure all these culture change efforts do not supersede the imperative of military effectiveness. Culture change is necessary, but adjusting to new imperatives does not require us to abandon our past and tear down the entirety of our existing culture. The CAF are the protectors of our sovereignty and the defenders of our values. Leading our military forces in today’s world with the woke trends that permeate our society is a huge challenge for young officers and non-commissioned members. All of the investigations and reports and subsequent media coverage have painted everyone in the CAF with the same negative brush. They have hurt the morale of those serving, as the chaplain-general of the CAF reported in 2023. Without denying that failures occurred, it is time to acknowledge that the vast majority of men and women in the CAF have served honourably and without incident. It is time to stop the self-flagellation.
The focus on culture change has not had a positive impact on recruiting. For the last five years, the CAF has placed so-called inclusivity issues above operational capability. The forces have worked hard to change their culture, creating a new group subordinate only to the chief of defence staff to deal with these issues. I believe it is time now to accept the findings, applaud the changes that made the CAF a better place to be, and admit that some other policies—for instance, allowing man-buns, nail polish, and facial tattoos—have had no positive impact on recruiting and move on. A walk-back of the relaxed dress and grooming regulations is apparently in the offing at time of writing. Safe and secure reporting chains have been established for everyone, the class action lawsuit payouts are ongoing, and the dress regulations are being amended; it is time to roll all these efforts into the regular business of the military and return to prioritizing operational success.
There are some who want our CAF to drop the “warrior culture,” including conformity and uniformity, because they feel these are the wrong paradigms for an effective and operationally ready military force. This is unwise. We have done away with the harassment and abuse of the past, which was to some extent rooted in that culture, and our cadre of instructors and non-commissioned officers know exactly how to make an effective fighting force—I have total faith in these individuals. If our military’s most demanding fighting operations do not demand warriors with emotional fortitude and resilience, what do they require? Let’s not put weak individuals in positions that demand mental strength and fighting abilities; that is what an operational military requires.
How long the CAF can continue to perform their assigned missions through rotations, replacements, and resupply is a critical issue. It speaks to the availability of replacements—trained units, individual personnel and equipment, as well as the availability of supplies.
In operations, those supplies include ammunition, rations, and spare parts. Vehicles and equipment break down or are destroyed or damaged and must be repaired or replaced. Military personnel can serve for some time but need to be rotated out to rest and recover, and casualties must be replaced. In WW2 operations, units would stay in action until they were attritted to a point where they were ineffective (about 15 per cent losses) and then would be taken off the line.
Sustainability really means the ability to maintain forces in operations. In NATO circles, land forces must be able to deploy with three days’ worth of supplies and a complement of 30 days’ reserve of, among other things, ammunition, spare parts, and rations. Logisticians and support personnel are experts in determining the required supplies, but the fog of war means it’s an inexact science. We have read reports, for instance, of the Ukrainian army using much more artillery ammunition than was originally planned. Calculations may be correct, but war is unpredictable.
Reports indicate the CAF are now at a very low supply of ammunition, drained by our commitments to Ukraine and the government’s inability to support our industry so it could rapidly replenish the stocks. In wartime, Canada’s industry ramped up very quickly and was able to effectively produce supplies and replacement equipment, but during this relatively peaceful time, the military supply industry has been left to wither on the vine. Again, building up Canada’s supplies of ammunition, spare parts, and rations should be part of a national defence and industrial strategy.
The RCN does not have enough ships to protect our littoral territory or to sustain government strategies like the aforementioned Indo-Pacific plan. Worse, there are not enough crews to man the ships we do have. During the Afghanistan conflict, Canada lost a huge number of vehicles to enemy activity, especially IEDs. Our RCAF is missing a great number of pilots so that the few aircraft we do have in the inventory cannot be flown.
The chief of defence staff announced his retirement in the summer of 2024. Whoever will succeed him must not minimize the issues of readiness and sustainability of the CAF. As the commander of all military forces in Canada and the military advisor to government, the CDS must have a voice and must exercise it loudly—even if the minister of defence and the government are not happy to hear it—to ensure the security and defence of our country. Our forces need action to redress their obsolescence, and they need it now. Leaders at all levels must protect their subordinates from the inaction of others and this starts at the very top with the government. Our prime minister must be seized of the issue, he must infect his cabinet with the importance of the issue, and ministers must ensure the message is relayed within all departments.
Canada’s role in the world and our international reputation have been shaken by the actions of our leaders and our disregard for our own security and sovereignty. Strong Canadian Armed Forces with high readiness and the ability to participate successfully in operations and exercises will ensure our country is secure and sovereign and able to defend itself against any aggressor. It will also demonstrate to our allies that Canada is no longer a free rider.
Excerpted from “In Defence of Canada: Reflections of a Patriot” by Michel Maisonneuve, now available from Sutherland House.